Ilmi Umerow, deputy chairman of the Medschlis of the Crimean Tatar people

Ilmi Umerow, deputy chairman of the Medschlis of the Crimean Tatar people

The first detainees of the Kremlin, who were arrested because they disapproved of the illegal annexation of the Crimea, have now become symbols of protest and moral steadfastness when they were in prisons. One of these symbols for Crimean Tatars remains Ilmi Umerov - deputy chairman of the Medschlis of the Crimean Tatar people, the former deputy chief of the Verkhovna Rada of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the deputy prime minister of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, the former head of the state administration Bakhchisarai.

He was first tried in Soviet Uzbekistan, where he was killed in the deportation of the Crimean Tatars in 1944, for his anti-power protests, more specifically for the pamphlet action concerning the banishment of Crimean Tatars from their historical homeland. In September 2015, the Russian Occupation Court Umerov sentenced in his Crimea to two years in the settlement penal colony for "public appeal for violation of territorial integrity of the Russian Federation", for an interview on the Crimean Tatars TV channel ATR. One week earlier, his midshipman in Midschlis, Second Deputy Chief, Eighth Chyjgos, was sentenced to eight years in prison. On October 25, 2017, however, the two leaders of the Medschlis were released under the agreement of the President of Turkey Erdogan with Russian President Putin. We talked to Ilmi Umerow about the nature of the repressions and protests in the occupied Crimea, about the criminal system of the Russian Federation and the situation regarding the Ukrainian prisoners. & Nbsp; & Nbsp;

How can you explain strict sentences for Ukrainian polish detainees in Russia and the Crimea and brutal abuse against them as if they were dangerous criminals?

The cruelty is on display. For the occupiers in the Crimea is now the main thing, & nbsp; to achieve the loyalty of the population. If it does not give love, then you have to be intimidated. For example, my case seems to force one to think that when a member of the Medschlis, who held the high office and headed the district, is charged with extremism because of his statements, what will happen to an ordinary person. Problems that are currently creating the Crimean Tatars have not existed in Russia since the 1990s. And after the so-called inclusion of the Crimea in 2014, a large ethnic group - the Crimean Tatars - in the vast majority does not recognize the jurisdiction of Russia.

Even if they are silent, do not organize rallies, what is currently impossible from the Crimea, I am convinced of the so-called kitchen policy: 95 percent of the Crimean Tatars do not recognize.

Not me. After the verdict, two FSB chiefs from Moscow (Domestic Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation - Red.) Came to my home. I have already been ordered to report. I have been told to file a request for a pardon to Putin for the sake of our eighth release. I did not know that there would be some campaign for our release and President Erdogan would turn to Putin for this. They just told me about it. Later they tried to cheat, to have said that eight had agreed to the pardon. But I have renounced it. My wife and daughter also said they would not turn to Putin. And these FSB people have strangely agreed to it. The next day they said I should do without the appellation. & nbsp; I have also rejected this proposal. But after a phone call with Mustafa-aga, who said it would be necessary, I wrote a rejection. I did not give my disclaimer to the verdict, but to the judges. In two days the deputy head of & nbsp; FSIN (Federal Penal Enforcement Service of the Russian Federation) came. She said that if I come voluntarily to Kerch on the 21st of October, then I will serve my sentence there. Otherwise I'll be compulsively etoped to the far north.

The 21st of October is here, but there has been no information regarding the pardon. In the morning I was rushed to the hospital for high blood pressure, where I was in the neurological ward for ten days - a stroke or infarct danger. I was taken from the hospital to Simferopol airport. In the flight I have 12 companions in civil and Achtem, sitting in the back seat. I was forbidden to come to him, talk to him, give him a hint. When we landed in Anapa, I thought: Now we will definitely be phased out, the whole machine was taken into cargo for us two. When we flew out of Anapa, I saw on landing that we were in Turkey. Turkish mass media subsequently wrote that we were exchanged for two Russian killers who were in Turkish jail for killing a Chechen journalist in Istanbul. Everything was presented as a sign of Putin's agreement. And we have unintentionally participated in this show. & Nbsp; & Nbsp; & Nbsp;

An interesting question. I do not know, because we were not shown the document on the basis of which we were released. There is a letter with an attachment on 19 pages to the judge of 24 October regarding the return of the judgment without its enforcement on the basis of the act on Putin's pardon. But in the appendix but missing the act on the pardon!

If one compares the penal system in the USSR and in the present Russia, one can say that it is currently in the Russian Federation a kind of copy of the Soviet penal system?

No. Now it's a hybrid. The KGB State Security Committee used to work under the blanket. All decisions concerning the Crimean Tatars were secret: not to let to the Crimea, not to announce them there, to give them no apartments and apartment houses, not to employ them. And now they are acting with open sight, nothing to have hidden. In the city center of Simferopol, there is a huge office of the so-called center "E" (FSB Center for Combating Extremism - Red.) And FSB deals with all these issues of extremism, terrorism and more. Previously, such structures were kept secret and invisible in the State Security Committee. The State Security Committee was one of the most unobtrusive structures and FSB is currently the most prominent.

Our national movement was founded in 1956. For the Crimean Tatars since 1944, the commandant regime and special supervision used to be considered. It was impossible to organize any groups. In 1967, there was a sharp increase in activity which caused the repression to intensify. Then it was decreed on the rehabilitation of the Crimean Tatars, which approved their return to the Crimea. But in fact, confidential instruction was not to be fulfilled. Then a real onslaught set in the Crimea, and they were there subjected to oppressions: they did not sell them dwelling-houses, did not register, did not cease, did not give passports on entering the necessary age, children were not allowed to go to school, and if already, they were not registered in the class book. Some were jailed and several were deported again. They were brought outside the Crimea and dropped off directly on the street. Thus, the Crimean Tatars appeared in the Krasnodar Territory, in the regions of Kherson and Zaporozhye. At present, after half a century, the fascist regime is actually ruling in Russia. Xenophobia, national intolerance, repressions of national and religious features even without the Crimea are widespread phenomena there.

The "first wave" of the prisoners was largely a coincidence. From Senzow I did not hear until 2014 that he was a bourgeois activist. Although he comes from Bakhchisarai district and I was in charge of the district within less than 10 years. The Russian occupation has given him the impetus to protest. But he did not manage to commit anything, but he actually got 20 years in prison for perhaps thinking about blowing up the Lenin monument on the station's avenue. "Perhaps thoughtful" is the essence of the deterrent policy that the Russian Federation is carrying out. Kolchenko is also innocent in this story. He is simply a hipster, an anarchist. Apparently, people with differing views under the rules of the Russian Federation have no place in society.

In many respects, the first arrests of the Crimean Tatars were coincidental, including members Hizb ut-Tachrir. And the second wave of arrests which lasts now already affected activists - as an answer to the actions of the occupying power. Ordinary people who never studied journalism now stream searches, arrests, and trials. Besides, quite powerful movement "Solidarity of the Crimea" has formed.

Having released one, Putin can also take others hostage. Therefore, it is not entirely right to focus on the release. Those who sit and who are not yet sitting, but continue to fight in the Crimea above, must understand that the main issue is the return of the Crimea to Ukraine and the restoration of territorial integrity along with Luhansk and Donetsk. And you have to force Russia to fulfill this unconditional condition. However, exchange, release are details of the second plan. Having released one, Putin can take others as hostages. For example, we were released on 25 October. And until mid-November, four more were arrested. This process can be endless, so it is not entirely right to focus on the release. The focus should be on the attitude of nuisance that happens in the Crimea after the occupation. & Nbsp; & nbsp;

The steadfastness is the peculiarity of a concrete person. When the majority surrender, adapting to the circumstances, some people appear in the fight. In my view, these people in the ordinary conditions always tell the truth and are consistent in their actions. The main thing is to preserve human dignity: so that there is no thought to those who are next door that you are weak and can betray.

And the love of the home, of his earth is the questions of the family. The propaganda of Russian television leads to no love, it only leads to hatred. Currently, the whole Crimea is covered with this propaganda and ideology. Already a whole generation is educated with the ideology of the aggressor state. Teachers who used to educate the children under the Ukrainian anthem are currently giving them a job to draw the Russian tricolor. The students do not hear the Ukrainian but Russian hymn.

To feel at home, should be a natural state. If you're persistently told every day that you're home, it's also unnatural. So too is freedom - it is an ordinary, normal state of a human being. You do not have to talk about it, do not talk about it - you just have to be free.

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