Garbis Altınoğlu lost his life

Garbis Altınoğlu lost his life

Garbis Altınoğlu, who was one of the most tortured revolutionaries in the period of September 12 and was one of the symbols of resistance in the 1978 Maraş Massacre. he lost his life.

Garbis Altınoğlu, one of the most tortured revolutionaries in the period of September 12, told Burak Cop of his experiences in September 2010 as follows:

We talked about their experiences with the revolutionary Garbis Altınoğlu, a member of 68 generations who spent a considerable time in prison both in the period of 12 March and 12 September. Altınoğlu also shared his views on current issues such as the Kurdish question and the referendum. & Nbsp;

Presently sites in the long and detailed article with Turkey and the world to express their views, which Altınoğlu on current affairs, circulated expressed the history of language, related to severe torture he endured "Many revolutionaries saw the torture, I saw a piece more than I," he says. & Nbsp;

Mr. Altınoğlu, the 30th anniversary of the society in Turkey stands at what point in a showdown with the September 12 coup, could you briefly share your opinion?

Unfortunately, Sept. 12 showdown in Turkey is still very backward point. That is why the AKP tried to make the flagship of the 12 September reckoning with no rights. This has both historical and historical reasons for both cyclical and / or political subjects. I am a person who believes that "historical masses do". But we also have to see historical reality; not exceeded kapıkulu mentality and respect for the state and allegiance to, we have to an extent not get Although still driven by the 1920 and 1960-70 of the mass revolutionary in Turkey will put aside a powerful revolutionary-democratic breakthrough never happened and did not form such a tradition.

In an article published in the evening newspaper Gürkan Hacır last month, you are one of the most tortured people in the coup period and all kinds of new torture methods have been tried on you. What happened to you?

In the period of the fascism of September 12 and the years following, torture was not only a safe practice but also a regular practice in prisons. I have seen a bit of torture that many revolutionaries have seen; As a communist of Armenian origin, I was privileged in this matter. Deputy Prosecutor Selahattin with Karagöz expression, "Somehow born in Turkey, read on behalf of the congregation in college in Turkish nationality, who charged at Bogazici University, the Armenian son of Armenians living in self biggest blessing that give the state and the nation bestows ..." I was.

The most difficult thing for me was that in 1987-88, in Sinop Prison, I was kept in underground cells by myself for 7 months sak unless I counted the rats hemen when I almost didn't see anyone. Of course, this is Dr. Sinop State Hospital, and then served in these semi-dark and damp cells in terms of health in terms of dr. Ömer Dönderici’s report helped.

I wonder about that too. At the time of my arrest (December 31, 1981), the bullets in the hand of the police in the hands of the police could have killed me. I survived this “only suret by losing my right eye. I was brutally beaten at the entrance of Antep E-Type Prison on 2 February 1984 for not wearing a uniform. Then I had a serious discomfort and could not eat anything for a long time. If I hadn't been taken to Çukurova Medical School Hospital by helicopter on March 2, I might have died.

While I was in this prison, I was kept in a cell with a closed door in the observation section where the right-wing prisoners were tried for the Maraş massacre case. It may sound strange; but they respected me. In 1987, I was taken to the hospital while I was in the cell at Sinop Prison. I would have been killed by the gendarmerie when I tried to run away from the door without being handcuffed to the outside door that was open, if I had tried to run away, while I was trying to escape.

The Maraş Massacre is considered to be one of the important stops on the way to 12 September. Ökkeş Şendiller, accused no 1 of the massacre case, claimed that you had a role in the events. This claim you answered on is not new. Why are such claims made from time to time?

Such claims have never been removed! The main source of this claim is not Ökkeş Kenger / Şendiller, a simple pawn. In those days, regional martial law commander Brigadier General Tayyar Aygur, Ökkeş Kenger'le meeting with me was the main responsible for the events. The December 1978 Marash massacre, in which babies were massacred, women, the elderly were slaughtered with planks and axes, and people were burned together with their homes, reduced the masks of MHP fascism, which is an important device of the state, and to some extent its masters. The generals who paved the way for the September 12th by organizing the massacre of Marash thought that it was a good idea to throw the responsibility of the events on one of the Armenian people, who had always been a scapegoat, as well as a communist.

How do you interpret that the defendant no. 1 of the Maraş case was invited to the i Alevi Workshop?? Şendiller said ‘If I had participated in the workshop, I would have documented that Altınoğlu and the left organizations had provoked the events’. In a ğı documentary ı published by TRT, he implied that Hrant Dink was involved in the events. With the “Alevi initiative Alev, are the Alevis asked to say, edi they didn't have falancas like you thought that massacre, actually, they were fil?

Maybe. But I'm not sure what I'm thinking about. It is no wonder that the AKP government, which wants to give positive signals to different strata, wants to “ponder imizi our Alevi workers and laborers who are sadly forgetful. By the way, let's not forget that, contrary to popular belief, “secular” generals are mainly “pro-Sunni” and “anti-Alevi”. Turkish-Islamic Synthesis, compulsory religious lessons in secondary education and prisons, explosion in the construction of imam-hatip high schools, declarations with verse hadith against the PKK, attempts to build mosques in Alevi villages. It was always the product of September 12.

Sunni Islam has continued its practice of gas and conquest for hundreds of years, dominating millions of people from various religions and ethnicities, and despite its babbling about laismism, it is the dominant sect and an important ideological foundation of the Republic. This sect and its clergy, as a rule, functioned and function as part of the Ottoman and Turkish state apparatus. There seems to be no tradition of yok progressive hareket Islamic movement, or even a “progressive” Islamic potential, depending on this imperial past. Sami Şocaoğlu, the writer of Yeni Şafak, submitted this in his column dated 29 March 2004:

“Yes, the majority of Muslims in this country are‘ right-wing ’and‘ conservative ma. They are right-wing because they have been convinced of the din religion devlet state ’as a din religion çok state sayesinde thanks to the traditional understanding of religion that has prioritized security for justice. the influence of religion will diminish due to the development of capitalism, the sharpening of class contradictions, the mass revolutionary explosions, and society will turn towards real secularization, and all this is happening.

Aksiyon magazine published a “research” on Ermen Armenians in left organizations 3 three years ago. The article gave the names of three PKK executives and claimed that these people were “secret Armenians.. The last Cemil Cicek reminded the 90s, circumcised words were used. Şendiller said, “There were seven uncircumcised corpses in Maraş.. What do you think is behind this insistent circumcision discourse?

Considering the Armenian people's lives, it can be understood that Armenians are represented more in the revolutionary organizations than the share of the Armenian people in the total population. But they probably did not appear there with their Armenian national identity. "Enmity of Armenians" in these examples is like an industrial adhesive that unites different fractions of the ruling class. This is due to the fact that the formation of the Turkish bourgeoisie at the beginning of the 20th century and the accumulation of primitive capital were directly related to the Armenian genocide.

In the first volume of Capital, Marx said that capital came to the world kan with blood and dirt dropping from every pore to the top. Bu This determination was more valid for the Turkish bourgeoisie. Unfortunately, this chauvinistic mentality also plays an important role in the mental enslavement of Turkish workers and laborers in accordance with Marx's finding that "the thoughts of the ruling class are the dominant thoughts in all ages." The rhetoric of Aksiyon, Çiçek and Kenger / Şendiller, etc., is a state of mind ready to lynch the Kurdish laborers, where the Turkish-Kurdish conflict is a serious danger and that a small part of the Turkish people have lived together for hundreds of years. fA of that reality in today's Turkey Reflective reflections only.

Did you also sometimes happens that the doors to the impression that they rewrite history of some circles that positions itself somewhere close to the AKP in Turkey?

There has been an alternative historiography of circles which we can call roughly "political Islamist". In many respects they had and still existed, which markedly differed from "official history". The coup of September 12, which crushed the left and depoliticized the youth, followed by the ANAP regime (1983-91) made a significant contribution to the rise of "political Islam". The weakening of the military-bureaucratic clique seems to have already caused an explosion of counter-historiography. But it should not exaggerate the extent of this reaction in particular and the conflict between these two factions in general; they both favor capitalist order and dependence on the imperialist system, wave the flag of Turkish nationalism, subjugate the working class and the Kurdish laborers and block the real democratization.

I have written that the importance of this referendum is overrated. As Turkey is always up to date and from regional / anlamında- to turn a blind eyes to the world this is what happens in places of local living. It is certain that those who will commemorate September 12, 2010 in a few years will not give it such importance. In my opinion, the referendum is a small part of a much wider fight, a struggle to limit the power of the military-bureaucratic clique and its allies, the surplus / extension of the Union and Progress of the AKP and its allies.

That is why it is wrong for BDP to evaluate the attitudes of the left-winged groups dragged in the queue by looking at the content of the constitutional amendment package. The attitude of the left in today's conditions in which a worker-laborer power cannot be established; it should be based on the answer to the question of which is more favorable for the real and final salvation of workers and toilers: the military-bureaucratic clique that is closer to the axis of war-provocative US-Israel, which provokes a Kurdish-Turkish conflict, substitutes representative institutions, engages in the production of coup plans, and closer to the axis of war-provocative US-Israel. or the sovereignty of the AKP and its allies, who stand on a more "positive", ie less reactionary, line?

This does not mean supporting the AKP. The opposition to the fascist bloc in the Second World War brought the US and Britain; Just as opposing the United States in the attack on Afghanistan and Iraq does not mean defending Saddam Hussein and the Taliban.

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